Being
the church in Abbotsford. Ron Dart, J.H.Hans Kouwenburg, J. Christopher Reiners, eds. Abbotsford. Mill Lake Books, 2013
Some reflections. Henk Smidstra
This is an interesting, informative, little
book providing many descriptions of, and insights into, the faith, life, and
politics, of the faith community in Abbotsford as reflected on by a small select
group of pastors, Christian educators, and business people from Abbotsford. There are inspiring descriptions of local
ministries as well as much food for thought in this book. The book stimulated
my natural interest and inclination to reflect on the ideas of justice and politics.
The Christian Reformed Church happens to be the denomination of my affiliation,
so the essay, “Reformed Churches in Abbotsford: A brief history,” also caught
my eye. Though I do not live in Abbotsford, I have worked in the Prison system
for many years, and my involvement often brought me into the M2W2 office, and
into the prisons of Abbotsford.
The stated intention of the editors of the
book is to provide a selection of readings by local pastors and Christian
professionals that reflect how the Christian churches and individuals“…are
engaged in various activities, at a variety of levels, in the church and public
square of Abbotsford.” As one reads the essays, the picture that emerges is one
of a faith community of local churches and individuals, motivated by faith, robustly
and creatively involved in providing charity and doing business in a stewardly
and equitable manner. Ron Dart, in his essay, “Faith and Politics in
Abbotsford: Threading the Needle”, reveals the astounding statistic, provided by
Revenue Canada, that Abbotsford-Mission was rated for the highest per-capita
giving of charitable donations of any urban area in Canada in 2010. Jim Burkinshaw
describes some specific ministries of charity in his essay, “The Heart of the
Church in Abbotsford: How the Church Shows Love to the City.” A marvelous
picture is revealed of social justice and mercy programs showing the love of
God in a ministry of mercy in Abbotsford. The essays reveal a picture of
overwhelming volunteer engagement in a variety of areas of needs and
ministries. As Prison chaplain, I too was blessed over the years by volunteers from M2W2, who showed amazing
qualities of love and provided services of care went beyond the call of duty to
mentor and visit prisoners in prison, as well as assisting them after release
in the community. I regret that this ministry was mentioned only in passing,
along with other ministries however, indicating a surplus of examples of civic
engagement by volunteer ministries in Abbotsford. The heart of the church in the Abbotsford area
is certainly large. My question is: is a big heart enough?
Jim Burkinshaw cites a time in early 60’s
when crime and homelessness and other signs of social instability were not as evident
on the streets of Abbotsford as they are today, referring to the idyllic days
when there were no homeless people, no food banks, and no “…prison complex on
King Road…..” What is shown in his essay,
and throughout the book, is that the people of the churches of Abbotsford have
since, responded to the ensuing social
deterioration and crime with big hearts towards the less fortunate and those in
need on the streets and in the community . However, I do wonder if they can see
themselves as part of the problem, and not just as part of the solution. Ron Dart, in, “Faith and politics in
Abbotsford: Threading the needle,” points to two levels of involvement possible
by people of faith in their public response, one is a civic response in which the community is primarily responsible
for providing volunteer services for the needy of their community; the other is
the statist political process. In my opinion both are important and can’t
really be absolutely separated. However, as Dart points out, Abbotsford has
traditionally supported and elected right of centre political parties that
generally support only minimal services for the homeless and poor, leaving
social justice primarily up to the
private sector, the civic response. Meanwhile, in this right of centre
political tradition, it has been left up to the state to deal with local and
national law and order issues. The political parties elected overwhelmingly by
Abbotsford Christians, over the years, have legislated and funded a law and
order regime that has built the “prison complex” on King Road, as well as,
bolstering the carceral effort with repressive crime bills legislated in the
last few years. Prison industry, such as prison construction, prison
renovation, prison food, prison clothes, salaries, electronics, and, you name it,
has no doubt pumped millions of revenue dollars into the Abbotsford economy
since the idyllic days of the early
60’s; probably good for business. (Just imagine the moral hell that would
develop if a privatized approach were to be endorsed for locking up human
beings for profit, stimulating good stock options for investment!).
It is important to note that social economic
issues, by right of centre politics, are by and large dealt with in a
non-interventionist manner (laissez faire), while at the same time often
legislating policies and providing incentives to stimulate the pursuit of
corporate and entrepreneurial profit. The related reciprocal dynamics may not
be ignored, namely, that over the same period of prison building and law and
order promulgation, there has also been a correlative pattern of politically
inspired claw backs to the welfare safety net of the poor, the marginalized,
and those at risk, with a radical reduction in affordable housing, living
wages, and advocacy services. (Child poverty in BC registers as one of the
highest in the nation). The upshot of all this suggests that the results of
political action supported and enabled by the voters of Abbotsford, probably exacerbated
the very social problems the churches of Abbotsford are so charitably
addressing. Canadian Criminologist James C. Hackler puts it succinctly, “Policy
makers in the US and Canada have encouraged, directly or indirectly, or by
default, social and economic forces that undermine social cohesion.” In his
book, he details how social-economic policy and funding claw-backs are criminogenic. He emphasizes that the
design of rambling subdivisions, lack of public libraries, pools, and services
for youth, location of welfare offices, lack of health services and programs
addressing child poverty, can all be seen as contributing and correlating
factors leading to pathways to crime. (James C. Hackler. Canadian criminology: Strategies and perspectives. 4th
ed. Toronto. Pearson Prentice, 2007). These social-structural issues and the
related legislated responses, as criminogenic,
are roots of the poverty and crime issues which need careful attention. In my opinion, there is a disconnect reflected
in neglecting the roots and structural aspects of addictions, poverty, crime,
and punishment, while doing an admirable job addressing the effects.
Ron
Dart asks important questions:, why do the Christian voters of Abbotsford link
the responsibility for social programs with volunteers and voluntary agencies?
He asks, whose responsibilities are these tough issues anyway, that beset a
growing city? “Who is responsible for dealing with the marginalized or, for
that matter, running a variety of organizations – the state or society?” These
are important questions to ponder and wrestle with. Dart provides some ideas to get us thinking
about why many in the Abbotsford churches might prefer right of centre parties,
and rule out parties on the left that would be more inclined to fund and provide
statist responses to address public justice issues. A popular perception seems
to be, Dart suggests, that right of centre parties are considered inherently
more Christian. Is that really so? The evidence presented in the book, however,
seems to conclude that the voters of Abbotsford think that the local community
is responsible for the poor and homeless; and implies that the state is
responsible for the criminal. I have heard it said often enough in Reformed
circles, that the primary role of the state is to punish the wrongdoer. Again,
I do not see the statist model and the civic model approaches to public health,
justice, (wellbeing and safety) as an either, or, matter. I regard local volunteer
engagement and charity, the many selfless hours of reaching out in love and
mercy to the marginalized, sick, and poor, as just marvellous and indispensable.
But I would also advise statist formal responses, and recommend solid research
of the root causes of poverty and crime, as well as a good look at the big
picture of social, public, justice, in terms of what the Lord requires of us
structurally, politically, and holistically; and, as well, do some alternative
thinking about retribution. . There is need for national and international
comprehensive planning and the mobilization of tax dollars for the common good.
Along with
local volunteer groups providing human services, a statist politically
administered and supported process of governance is necessary for a
comprehensive plan of administration of public justice in terms of research,
funding, and oversight, to make sure, the most vulnerable members of society
are not ignored. Groups such as the locally discriminated against, those that I
have heard labelled the undeserving poor, the addicted with multiple diagnoses,
the mentally ill, incarcerated, survival-sex-trade
workers, aboriginal poor , children in at-risk families in poverty stricken
areas of the province, and so forth, represent
complex issues that need comprehensive multi-agency collaboration and assistance.
Local volunteers are indispensable, but collaboration, support and oversight are
also necessary. Christian volunteer
groups sometimes need to ally with insights and politics from both the left of
center politically, as well as sometimes the right, to ensure that public and
criminal justice is truly biblical justice leading to shalom for the least of
those our brothers and sisters; this may not be left to the “hidden hand” of
market forces, nor to the cold technical forces of law and order.
The authors of the brief informative piece
on the Reformed churches, “Reformed Churches in Abbotsford: A Brief History,”
refer to a natural tension between state and church. However, they do have an appreciation
for politics: a legitimate separation of church and state, but not of faith and
politics is mentioned. The phrase,
separation of church and state, is used, perhaps revealing natural suspicion of
the secular state, with some elements in that church wanting to establish a
state based exclusively on a biblical world view, if that is even possible. The essay mentions Abraham Kuyper, (1837-1920)
the Dutch intellectual, pastor, politician, and writer. Kuyper probably has had
more influence on Canadian Christian Reformed Churches than he has had on the
CRC denomination in the United States. The CRC denomination in the USA had its founding
influence located more in the pietistic- separatist secession from the NHK (Netherlands
Reformed Church) in the Netherlands in 1834. Subsequent 19th century
Dutch immigration to the United States resulted in the Christian Reformed
Church being founded as a denomination in 1857 in Holland Michigan. Kuyper was
instrumental in a later secession from the NHK in the Netherlands in 1886, the doleantie: a, “regretful separation.”
Some of the 1834 secessionists also joined in this separation, and the GKN,
Gereformeerde Kerken in Nederland (now PKN, Protestant Church in the
Netherlands) was formed. Kuyper had
already founded the Free University of Amsterdam in 1880. He was Prime Minister
of the Netherlands from 1901-1905. Kuyper was a hound of liberalism, advising
specific Christian thought and world view, as well as separate Christian action
in all areas of life, including politics. Mass emigration from the Netherlands
to Canada after WWII helped bring Kuyper’s ideas of distinctive Christian
worldview and sphere sovereignty to have a strong influence on Christian
Reformed Churches that sprang up in many provinces of Canada aligned with that
denomination in the USA.
Kuyper
was a politician, and a man of his Victorian times; I find his theory of
separate spheres, sphere sovereignty, too mechanistic, and his theology too
reactionary, often fostering isolation of the Reformed church community in our
modern pluralistic society. Perhaps that is why I still often hear the CRC in
Abbotsford still referred to as the Dutch Reformed Church. I do think though,
that there is change in the mind of the CRC in Canada that is now, for the most
part, in its third generation since immigration to Canada. There are a variety
of ways in which Kuyperian thought (neo-Calvinism) is expressed in CRC churches
today. In a general way, I think it can lead to positive view of the state, as
well as supporting and stimulating academic research, advocacy, and action, in
the various societal spheres by volunteers as well as empowering a statist
response to social-economic issues for the common good. But because of the
autonomy of the spheres, there are sometimes ideological-theological
differences between certain spheres. The state can also just be considered a
special sphere, but with that of right leaning proscribed powers. Inter -sphere dialogue, and a creative search
for alternative measures to address the common good, will be an important
challenge in addressing critical issues today, issues such as crime, poverty,
climate change, etc., and for a search for a moral economy in our global neo-liberal
/neo-conservative society. It will be
necessary also to overcome the idea of the absolute antithesis between
Christian associations and governmental and civic structures, especially those
considered as left leaning ones, in our society today. Kuyper did endorse common grace. Vigilance is
necessary also because sometimes a grandiose state must be called back to its
moral moorings in serving the common good, not just priming corporate global
industry.
Issues regarding poverty, mental illness, housing,
addictions, and crime, are complex, and the etiological and teleological factors
require significant research with comprehensive plans and concerted action;
such vital important challenges may not be abdicated by government agencies or
just left unsupported up to the benevolence, good will, and valiant efforts, of
local communities. Local volunteers’ ministries of care need the endorsement of
governmental agencies and their financial support to truly make a difference.
Too often local volunteer agencies struggle with lack of funding and must spend
a great deal of energy just in fund raising and writing funding proposals. The
energy should be focused on finding and training volunteers, and on the
delivery of services. The essay by
J.H.Kouwenberg,”Spiritual Care at the MSA General and Abbotsford Regional
Hospitals,” is a case in point. Abbotsford has been blessed by a vision with
leadership, being able to provide so many benevolent services to the poor, the
addicted, and the prisoner (M2W2). But there are many communities that are not
so blessed and what about those communities? What about child poverty in the
province and nation and internationally; Aboriginal poverty, local and world
peace? A collaborative and inclusive effort, statist and civic, combining the
best perspectives from right and left, can make sure no one is left out, or
left behind. The open hand and charitable giving in Abbotsford is beyond
reproach. The Christian voters of Abbotsford have a consistent voting record in
making a difference in the balance of legislative” seats” in Ottawa. The prison
complex on King Road could be shaped by a much more restoratively based
criminal justice policy; agencies could be spending more time looking up the
proverbial stream to determine how the drowning victims have fallen into the river to
begin with and help them at the source. The
example mentioned by Dart, of Abbotsford Councillor Ross and all the volunteers
protesting the Sumas energy project, illustrates how influential the collective
local voice, including the voice of the Churches of Abbotsford can be. Leadership and vision is important, as is the
awareness that our fragile social and ecological worlds need well thought out concerted
action, as well as the humility to recognize that certainties and absolutes are
elusive and that consensus is seldom 100%. Combined civic and statist action will
require continued, mutual, respectful, research, dialogue and creative
application of ideas. The churches in Abbotsford can take heart in seeing what
they have already accomplished.